AT around 7pm on Sunday, Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim sent out a tweet declaring that Pakatan Rakyat had won the general election.
“PR has won. We urge Umno and the EC not to attempt to hijack the results,” the PKR leader tweeted.
That was even before the votes were counted. The declaration was not only premature but around the newsrooms of media organisations, journalists had already sensed the strong Chinese wind blowing for the DAP, with the Malay wall standing solidly in the rural heartland.
The consensus among the media was that Barisan Nasional would retain power, but not with a two-thirds majority. Many correctly predicted between 130 and 138 parliamentary seats for the incumbent.
To many Pakatan supporters, there was disbelief, even shock, as the news began to trickle in that the predominantly Malay voters would remain faithful to the Barisan.
For the Chinese urban voters, who had thrown in their lot with Pakatan, they were sure that this would be the election where they would punish Umno and topple the Barisan government.
Many travelled back from overseas, campaigned emotionally and turned up by the thousands at ceramah to be part of what they regarded as the defining moment to end Barisan's grip on power. To them, this was it. Ini Kali lah!
Staying in the Chinese-majority urban areas, these voters, mesmerised by the mega ceramah and Anwar's pied piper's strategy of leading them to believe Barisan would tumble, strongly felt that Anwar would be ushered in as the prime minister the following day.
More than that, many had sworn they had spoken to many Malay friends, who appeared to support the call for ubah and thus history would be created on Sunday night. In short, it was not just the Chinese who were angry but the Malays, too.
But politics in Malaysia can be complicated unless one is familiar with its geography. Political awareness with no understanding of the political terrain in Sabah, Sarawak and the heartland would give one only a superficial view of the nation.
Many in the urban areas have no idea of how the rural folk feel and for that matter, where they stay, not that they care.
The PKR, it cannot be denied, has gained much appeal from the urban Malays, as evidenced by the Pakatan's victory in Selangor. But PAS, the other component party which also eyes the Malay vote, seemed to have suffered a setback overall despite picking up more state seats.
It lost Kedah and many of its top guns, including deputy president Mohamad Sabu, vice-presidents Salahuddin Ayub and Husam Musa, were defeated.
Many rural Malays found it difficult to accept PAS working with the DAP, which they see as a racist party, and also its flip-flop stand on the Allah issue. PAS paid the price for working with the DAP.
Such a scenario has renewed speculation that PAS, with its reduced parliamentary seats, may work together with Umno. Politics is indeed the art of the impossible, and an Umno-PAS collaboration has never fully disappeared from the political radar.
But among the Chinese, in their eagerness to punish Umno, they took it out on the MCA, Gerakan and the SUPP. The three Chinese-dominated parties were routed.
The MCA has already said that it would stay out of the Government at federal and state levels. This is an unprecedented move, but it is in keeping with its promise that if it gets fewer than 15 parliamentary seats, it would opt out. The MCA managed only seven seats.
Hardcore DAP supporters would insist that there is no difference whether the MCA is in or out of the Government.
But those who understand the functions of a government would realise the importance of a voice, representing the community, inside the government.
The rejection by the Chinese of Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak has put the Prime Minister in a spot, a really tight spot. To many Malays, including those in Umno, the Barisan chief had probably gone overboard in trying to win over the Chinese voters, who had already served early notice of rejecting him.
He is probably the first prime minister to dress up in a Chinese costume for the Chinese New Year greetings, only to be scorned by some opposition supporters, who claimed that he was dressed up in mourning garb.
When he greeted the crowd at a concert in Penang in Mandarin, some hit back at him, via social platforms, why he did not use Hokkien, the dialect used in Penang.
And never before has a Malaysian Prime Minister been heckled and jeered at a gathering of Malaysians, in this case by Bersih supporters in London.
Rude, distasteful, and even lewd remarks were the order of the day. Decorum, civility and rationality flew out the window as the campaign gained momentum, driving some into a state of frenzy.
As we look at the final tally, the new political equation has the Malays and bumiputras dominating the Barisan government on one side, while the Pakatan opposition is dominated by the Chinese majority on the other side.
The Prime Minister has to deal with a delicate situation of heeding the sentiments of his supporters who stood solidly by him, while at the same time, be magnanimous and inclusive to look after the interest of all Malaysians, including the Chinese.
He is not the Prime Minister of just the Malays and bumiputras from Sabah and Sarawak but all Malaysians. While the majority of Chinese voted for Pakatan, it must be remembered that a large number of Chinese also backed him.
The grievances of the Chinese must not be ignored. Their pent-up frustrations, resulting from perceived unfair treatment from various policies, must be addressed. A rational and honest approach has to be taken.
Winning over the Chinese voters is not just about giving money to Chinese schools. It is about fair play, a better hope, better acceptance and a safer environment.
The Chinese have cried out loudly. Listen to their voice. Like the Indians who backed Anwar in 2008 but returned solidly this time, Barisan must not give up on the Chinese community. There's always the next general election.
No comments:
Post a Comment